Presidential Decisions

Health aid tidy up has long been arguable, with traditionalists in both parties arguing that many of the President's proposals spend a penny socialized medicine. The initial proposal of guaranteeing health care coverage for everyone in the United States died by Summer as a result of its high cost. Similarly, plans for requiring employers to cover 80% of their employees' health care coverage costs were scaled down in an utility(a) bill proposed by House Majority leader Mitchell to 50% (Lacayo, 1994, Checking Out, pp. 40-41).

Clinton then faced the problem of appearing to have change by reversal his position too often. Recognizing that he faced defeat if he did not compromise on many of the more controversial issues, he was forced to go along with the more buffer proposals in Mitchell's version of reform. To many of his early stand upers, however, this made Clinton await as though he were really to compromise on anything in order to pass legislation. The real victory went to the initial opponents of Clinton's reform proposals, who recognized their own strength on the issue. Opponents were back up by the insurance industry and the small business lobby, which feared that Clinton's reforms would abide small business owners (Lacayo, 1994, Checking Out, pp. 40-41; Waldman & Cohn, 1994, pp. 30-32).

The administration's decision to compromise

Of course, fictional characters like Mr. Smith and Dave were aware of what they were doing; the problems were really so simple that neophytes could succeed where career politicians had failed (or given up trying). This plot seemed to define political reality in the 1980s, when conservative politicians made hay by presenting themselves as Washington "outsiders." Hollywood also knew how to satirize this new situation, as when all of picture palace Washington began listening to Chauncy Gardner in 1980. (At this writing, Forrest Gump's political career has nowhere to go but up).

Lacayo, R. (1994, August 22). Down for the Count? Time, pp. 31-34.

universal diplomacy, communication between leaders through their respective embassies, was big during the crisis. However, the most important communications went through more slack channels. Throughout the period of crisis, Kennedy communicated "directly" with Kruschev daily (through written notes) (p. 79). A more dramatic form of communication occurred on Friday, October 26, when a reporter for ABC was approached by an important official of the Soviet Embassy with a proposal that the Soviet Union would remove the missiles from Cuba chthonic United Nations supervision if the U.S. would lift the blockade and pledge not to invade Cuba (pp. 89-91). Other important diplomatic efforts included the aggregation of support from other nations. Kennedy thought it important to establish the judicial foundations for a quarantine under the Organization of American States hold; the unanimous support of the OAS strengthened the U.S. worldwide position (p. 51). He also gained the support of non-NATO members, such as France. Along with the support of NATO, this prevented the Soviet Union from separating the U.S. from western Europe (pp. 51-52).

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